Calculate displacement of an object that is not acceleration, The Space Shuttle Endeavor blasts off from the Kennedy Space Center in February Figure 3 Plots of displacement distance of boulders versus A, Mass and. At Kennedy Bush Scenic Reserve and Gibraltar Rock, where spurs are perpendicular. Distance is scalar while displacement is vector. Also, the example for distance is 3 meters, while the example for displacement is 5 meters to the west. SUPER TOTE BETTING
It is a simple matter of justice that American, in dealing creatively with the task of raising the Negro from backwardness, should also be rescuing a large stratum of the forgotten white poor. Showing Toughness on National Security Issues On issues of national security and war and peace, Kennedy took a principled position in opposition to the Vietnam War—whose very morality he questioned—but threaded the needle in a way that also made clear to working-class voters that he differed sharply from upper middle-class white college students who dodged the draft or even sympathized with the North Vietnamese Communists.
Tens of thousands of individual Vietnamese have staked their lives on our presence and protection. Although the student draft deferments were supported by the public by a 54 percent to 31 percent margin, Kennedy attacked them as unfair. Kennedy, who himself had served in the U. Everybody in the country knew that he was a tough son of a bitch.
The year before, the City of Gary had divided sharply over the city mayoral election; white precincts voted white, black for black. Although the whites in Gary were registered Democratic by a five-to-one margin, 90 percent voted for the white Republican.
Kennedy rode through the industrial neighborhoods, black and white, with Hatcher and Zale remaining at his side, bridging the painful chasm between the races in Gary. While Negro precincts were delivering around 90 per cent for Kennedy, he was running 2 to 1 ahead in some Polish precincts.
But it is important to note that a small number of revisionists have suggested that Evans and Novak and all the other observers got it wrong, and that Kennedy did not perform particularly well among white ethnic voters after all. Kennedy aides William vanden Heuvel and Milton Gwirtzman say that in industrial Lake County, Indiana, Kennedy lost 59 of 70 white precincts in Gary, and lost 13 of 14 white cities that Wallace carried outside of Gary.
The coalition never existed. Consider: An analysis of the Indiana results showed that RFK did well enough with working-class whites to win the seven largest Indiana counties where George Wallace ran strongest in He did less well among affluent and educated whites, who were wary of his emphasis on law and order. In the only precinct in St. Kennedy also won Whiting, which was all-white, by 47 percent of the vote to their 36 percent and 17 percent.
The balance went to write-in votes for Humphrey 8 percent and Johnson 6 percent. Oregon was just 1 percent black and 10 percent Catholic, and had very few urban voters. His short and exhilarating campaign that had united unlikely allies came to an abrupt end. Although we will never know how Kennedy might have done at the Democratic convention or a possible general election campaign, scholars have been intrigued by a number of public opinion polls which found that Kennedy, while extremely popular among black and Latino voters, also had strong appeal with working class-whites who were sympathetic to George Wallace.
On the one hand, observers trying to draw similarities need to be cautious: Robert Kennedy was a unique figure—the brother of a martyred president who had been in the public eye for more than a decade — and was running in a primary rather than a general election. He ran at a time when Roman Catholics were subject to greater prejudice than they are today, and when many such voters were more likely to identify as Polish American or Irish American than as white.
In , working-class whites defined as those without a four-year college degree were a much larger and more important segment of the voting population than they are today. Issues such as marriage equality, transgender rights, sexual harassment, immigration, and abortion, were not the hot-button items they are today. And, after , many liberals understandably have little interest in wooing voters who went so heavily for an unabashedly bigoted candidate in Donald Trump. But if the times are different, and the most salient issues have changed, powerful continuities remain.
Moreover, in many ways, restoring the old working-class black, white and Latino coalition may be even more possible, more necessary, and more desirable for progressives than it was a half-century ago.
The Coalition Is Possible In the Trump era, when working-class whites and black and Hispanic Americans are deeply polarized as voting blocs, it may seem unthinkable that they could be brought together. Declining Racism It may seem odd to say after the election of a race-baiting president in , but RFK was running at a time when white racism was much more naked than it is today.
In , 27 percent of whites thought blacks and whites should go to separate schools, a figure that dropped to 4 percent by , after which point the question stopped being asked. In , a solid majority 56 percent said there should be laws against intermarriage between blacks and whites, a figure that dropped to 10 percent by Fully 73 percent of whites in said they disapproved of interracial marriage; by , the number had plummeted to 14 percent.
To take one example, in a comprehensive analysis of the test score gap among groups of students, Stanford professor Sean Reardon examined nineteen nationally representative studies going back more than fifty years and found that, whereas the average gap in standardized test scores between black and white students used to be about twice as large as the gap between rich and poor students, today, the income gap between those in the ninetieth percentile of income and the tenth percentile is about twice as large as the gap in test scores between white and black students.
Between and , the proportion of children born to single mothers more than doubled among whites without a high school degree, from 21 percent to 51 percent. It is fashionable to point out that economic anxiety can produce a rise in racial animosity among whites who are looking for scapegoats to blame and who cling to their racial identity as their only remaining signal of status.
But under the right leadership, economic inequality can serve to highlight common interests, as Franklin Roosevelt demonstrated during the Great Depression. Indeed, today, young people are increasingly open to democratic socialism, once a taboo affiliation in America. Polls show Americans believe the Trump tax bill not only favors the wealthy; they believe it will hurt them.
The Coalition Is Necessary for Progressives The white working-class is a much smaller portion of the American electorate than it was in , so some argue that, to achieve progressive policies, it is more important to generate higher turnout among minority voters than to seek to include working-class whites in the coalition.
Victorious candidates such as Bill Clinton won a plurality of white working-class voters in both and According to Ruy Teixeira, if Clinton had done as well as Obama with white working-class voters, she would have won the states of Michigan, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Iowa, Florida, and Ohio. Senate races, it will be impossible for progressives to win in states like Ohio unless they win some former Trump voters.
If one wants to address economic inequality head-on, a coalition of self-interest is far more potent than an alliance of minorities and educated whites who have different sets of priorities. That is why the great dream of labor and civil rights leader A. Philip Randolph was to create a cross-racial class-based coalition rather than a race-based cross-class coalition.
It magnifies its political salience. When working-class people feel alienated and are not given credible answers to their economic plight, they are vulnerable to appeal from hucksters who scapegoat religious, ethnic, and racial minorities. Minorities end up paying the biggest price of all.
How to get there? If a class-based, multi-racial progressive coalition is possible, necessary and desirable, what kind of policies could progressives pursue to begin the effort to recreate the Kennedy coalition? The balance of this report outlines four ideas: 1 Stay committed to progressive principles of inclusion for marginalized groups; 2 consistently emphasize common class interests; 3 signal the inclusion of working-class whites by extending civil rights remedies to class inequality; and 4 respect the legitimate values of working-class people.
Stand up for Progressive Principles for Inclusion for Marginalized Communities To appeal to a sizeable number of white working-class voters in , Kennedy did not forfeit his basic principles or change his positions on civil rights, or war and peace. Would that end sexism? Progressives Can Consistently Emphasize Common Class Interests Coupled with a commitment to civil rights, progressives can fight for economic justice—more jobs and infrastructure, better health care, a more robust minimum wage, strong funding of public schools and the like.
These types of commitments are central to the identity of progressives. But the liberal message could be sharpened in several ways. Be consistent Over the years, as progressives embraced free trade, globalization, and economic deregulation, they have increasingly been viewed as similar to conservatives. White working-class people are deeply cynical about the funding of campaigns by special interests, a fact that undermines progressives and conservatives alike.
But in recent years, the progressive discussion of Wall Street abuse has been more cerebral. Substantively, progressives have been far tougher on Wall Street, championing the Dodd-Frank legislation that conservatives are now seeking to undo. In the economic recovery of , Meyerson says, half of new businesses were located in just twenty counties.
Economic growth is the engine for that, but we have seen that growth by itself no longer guarantees wage increases. Progressives also need to find ways to increase worker power, which requires updating antiquated laws so that employees will have a genuine right to organize in the workplace. Unfortunately, labor law reform has not been prioritized, even when progressives have held the presidency and both houses of Congress—under Lyndon Johnson, Jimmy Carter, Bill Clinton, and Barack Obama.
See more details below on a proposal to strengthen labor unions. Below, I suggest that progressives do just that by backing four ideas in such areas as education, housing, and employment law: 1 an amendment to the Civil Rights Act to prohibit discrimination against workers engaged in labor organizing; 2 a Brown v. Board of Education-type policy to promote economic school integration of low-income pupils; 3 an Economic Fair Housing Act to combat discrimination against working-class people of all races; and 4 an affirmative action program in higher education for economically disadvantaged students of every color.
Elsewhere, I have explained why, on the merits, these four ideas constitute sound social policy that will promote greater social mobility and equality. In the s, organized labor represented one-third of private sector workers and America enjoyed broadly shared prosperity, as workers were able to win a fair share of productivity gains. Although firing an employee for asserting his or her right to unionize is technically illegal under the National Labor Relations Act NLRA , the penalties are so weak that firms routinely flout the law.
Routine employer discrimination against union organizing has caused Freedom House to rate the United States as far less free on labor rights than forty-one other countries. Just as labor unions have declined, so has the proportion of income going to the American middle-class.
See Figure 4. Figure 4 Download The Civil Rights Act of updated in outlawed racial discrimination in the workplace and in other facets of life, and helped delegitimize racial prejudice. The act needs to be vigorously enforced to address ongoing racial discrimination.
Marvit and I explain in our book, Why Labor Organizing Should Be a Civil Right, Congress should also amend the Civil Rights Act to extend protections against discrimination based on race, sex, religion, and the like to include individuals trying to organize a union.
Doing so would give employees a much more powerful tool to combat discrimination than are available under the National Labor Relations Act. Representatives Keith Ellison and John Lewis have introduced this type of legislation in Congress and progressives need to prioritize this idea at the federal, state, and local levels. But today, a growing number of school districts are also focused on integration by socioeconomic status, bringing students from different economic classes together, whatever their racial backgrounds.
But there is also an important signaling advantage to the economic approach: it acknowledges that disadvantages whites, too, suffer from socioeconomic segregation. In Louisville, Kentucky, for example, a racial desegregation plan produced a school—Roosevelt Perry Elementary—that was half black, half white, and virtually all poor, and that school struggled mightily.
When the school superintendent said he wanted to take steps to integrate by socioeconomic status as well as race, the principal, J. Harvard psychiatrist Robert Coles saw the deep unfairness of the situation. It should cross these lines and people in the suburbs should share in it.
Both groups have been ignored. Both of them are looked down upon by the well-to-do white people. Anthony Lukas, in his Pulitzer-prize winning account of the Boston school desegregation crisis, Common Ground, noted that the Boston working-class white and black families he profiled had far more in common with each other than either did with wealthier whites in the suburbs.
Today, one hundred school districts and charter schools , educating some four million students, make conscious efforts to integrate schools by socioeconomic status. Districts pursuing socioeconomic integration range from mid-size towns such as La Crosse, Wisconsin to major urban areas such as Chicago, which integrates a subset of its schools and range from the South Raleigh and Louisville to the North Cambridge, Massachusetts and Champaign, Illinois. Using public school choice to give working-class students of all races access to better schools is good social policy and also serves to remind the Bobby Kennedy constituencies of their common interests.
But a new class-based segregation is emerging. But on top of that, government zoning policies discriminate based on income by rendering off limits entire communities where it is impossible to rent an apartment or purchase a home on a small plot of land. An Economic Fair Housing Act would make clear that, just as it is unacceptable for neighborhoods or individuals to discriminate based on race, it should also be unacceptable for government policies to exclude low-income and working-class families from entire neighborhoods.
Poor and working-class black and Latino families would benefit most, because they are more likely to live in concentrated poverty than poor whites. As Paul Jargowsky, a professor of public policy at Rutgers University, notes, since , there has been a percent increase among non-Hispanic whites living in high-poverty neighborhoods. Race-based affirmative action programs in higher education, first introduced in the s, have opened the doors of selective colleges for thousands of African American and Hispanic students.
But today, racial preferences are under intense legal and political attack, and they have not fully addressed issues of economic inequality. Even with affirmative action programs in place, at selective colleges, rich kids outnumber poor kids by twenty-four to one. In ten states where the use of race has been eliminated by voter initiative or other means at leading universities, several creative steps have been taken. Six states have spent money to create new partnerships with disadvantaged schools to improve the pipeline of low-income and minority students.
Eight states have provided new admissions preferences to low-income and working-class students of all races. Eight states have expanded financial-aid budgets to support the needs of economically disadvantaged students. In three states, individual universities have dropped legacy preferences for the generally privileged—and disproportionately white—children of alumni. In three states, colleges created policies to admit students who graduated at the top of their high-school classes.
And in two states, stronger programs have been created to facilitate transfer from community colleges to four-year institutions. University of Texas litigation. In a society where African Americans continue to suffer racial discrimination in the criminal justice system, housing, employment, even catching a taxicab, the only plausible reading of these results is that working-class whites equate affirmative action in education and employment with discrimination against them.
On the merits, I have concluded that, while university officials say they care about both racial and socioeconomic diversity, they rarely address economic disparities, except when the ability to use race is eliminated in which case, universities adopt class-based policies as an indirect way of promoting racial diversity.
My colleague Halley Potter and I found that seven of ten elite public colleges that stopped using race were able to replicate or exceed the level of both black and Latino representation using a variety of strategies, such as providing a leg up to economically disadvantaged students.
Parental wealth, which is handed down from generation to generation, and is connected to real estate holdings, better captures the legacy of racial discrimination than does parental income. And they are fairer. Political commentator Van Jones tells the story of a year-old white working-class father in a red state who has lost his job and is embarrassed to go to church or the V.
His older son struggles with opioid addiction and dies of an overdose. His daughter is his pride and joy. She is the great success of the family and goes off to college. But when she comes home for a school break, she starts lecturing her father about his white, male heterosexual privilege. By contrast, class-based affirmative action reinforces a class identity which underlines the importance of making common cause with working-class people of color.
Policies that Respect the Legitimate Values of Working-Class People of All Races Finally, in order to attract more white working-class voters, progressives could not only represent their interests, and make clear they are included in the party; progressives could also respect their legitimate non-bigoted values. As outlined below, progressives should be for law and order and justice; be pro-immigrant but respectful of borders and rules; honor patriotism, religious faith in the civic square and free speech rights on campus, and above all, avoid condescension and disrespect.
Be for Justice and Law and Order. It might have worked for Richard Nixon when crime was climbing, but not in , when crime rates were hitting lows. Particularly painful was the killing of a year-old black boy, Tamir Rice, who was playing with a toy gun when he was shot by a Cleveland police officer.
So the worth of the investment in future is known as its Future Value. Compounding refers to the process of earning interest on both the principal amount, as well as accrued interest by reinvesting the entire amount to generate more interest. Compounding is the method used in finding out the future value of the present investment.
Definition of Discounting Discounting is the process of converting the future amount into its Present Value. Now you may wonder what is the present value? The current value of the given future value is known as Present Value. The discounting technique helps to ascertain the present value of future cash flows by applying a discount rate.
The following formula is used to know the present value of a future sum: Where 1,2,3,….. For this purpose, you need to refer the present value table. Key Differences Between Compounding and Discounting The following are the major differences between compounding and discounting: The method uses to know the future value of a present amount is known as Compounding.
The process of determining the present value of the amount to be received in the future is known as Discounting. Compounding uses compound interest rates while discount rates are used in Discounting. Compounding of a present amount means what will we get tomorrow if we invest a certain sum today.
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When Displacement is calculated, both the length of the path and the direction of the object are considered. The distance can only have positive values. However, displacement can have positive, negative, or zero. Similarities Between Distance and Displacement Despite a number of differences between them, both distance and displacement have quite similarities as well, some of them are listed below: The SI unit of both the Physical quantity is meter m only.
Both distance and displacement require initial and final points for measurement. When the direction is not considered both are equal in magnitude, in most cases. Both have the same dimensions formula. Example 2: A particle has covered a distance of meters and a displacement of meters in 1 min 40 sec.
Find the Speed and Velocity of the particle during motion. Observation- The distance and the displacement are both equal since the speed and the velocity of the car is equal. Therefore, it can be said that the car has traveled only in a straight direction. Example 4: A boy decided to take a walk around his town in the evening, he started from his home and traveled approximately meters in 30 minutes.
He finally came back to his home. What is the relation between speed and displacement? What are the two similarities and the difference between speed and velocity? Relative velocity is a measurement of velocity between two objects as determined in a single coordinate system…. Speed Speed is a scalar quantity Velocity is a vector quantity. Speed ascertains how fast a body moves. What is similarity between speed and velocity? Similarities between speed and velocity Both are physical quantities, so both can be measured and quantified.
Both the terms speed and velocity are associated with moving body only; not with static body. How is displacement related to motion? What is the similarities between retardation and acceleration? Retardation is the inverse of acceleration and is defined as a decrease in velocity per unit of time. Retardation is the inverse of acceleration. Negative acceleration is also referred to as retardation or deceleration. Are directions and displacement always the same velocity?
Since both sides of Equation 3. The velocity of the car at an instant of time is its instantaneous velocity v. Figure 3. How do you find displacement with velocity? Calculator Use The average velocity of the object is multiplied by the time traveled to find the displacement.
What is the difference between displacement and velocity? Displacement and Velocity Displacement is the vector difference between the ending and starting positions of an object.
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The main difference between distance and displacement is that the distance is the actual physical length between two points while displacement is the length of the shortest route between these two points. Distance and displacement are two terms in Physics which are used to indicate the length between two locations, points or objects.
Can distance be the same as displacement? Distance and displacement are two words which seem to have the same meaning. However, their in-depth definition differs from each other to a large extent. While displacement yields the shortest distance between two points, distance refers to the space between them. What is diff between distance and displacement? What is the difference between distance and displacement?
Distance is a scalar measure while displacement is a vector. Displacement is indicated with an arrow while distance is never indicated with an arrow. Distance only considers magnitude while displacement takes into account both magnitude and direction. Displacement can have both positive and negative values while distance can only have positive values. What does distance and displacement have in common?
In physics, distance and displacement are used to indicate the length between two points. However, these two are not one and the same thing. How are displacement velocity and acceleration related? Displacement is a vector which points from the initial position of an object to its final position. The standard units of displacement are meters.
Velocity is a vector which shows the direction and rate of motion. Acceleration is a vector which shows the direction and magnitude of changes in velocity. What is the relationship between displacement time and average velocity? This vector quantity is simply the total displacement between two points divided by the time taken to travel between them. What is the relation between speed and displacement?
What are the two similarities and the difference between speed and velocity? Relative velocity is a measurement of velocity between two objects as determined in a single coordinate system…. Speed Speed is a scalar quantity Velocity is a vector quantity. Speed ascertains how fast a body moves. What is similarity between speed and velocity? Similarities between speed and velocity Both are physical quantities, so both can be measured and quantified.
Both the terms speed and velocity are associated with moving body only; not with static body. How is displacement related to motion? What is the similarities between retardation and acceleration? Retardation is the inverse of acceleration and is defined as a decrease in velocity per unit of time. Retardation is the inverse of acceleration. Negative acceleration is also referred to as retardation or deceleration.
Are directions and displacement always the same velocity?
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